Is a proposal by
Craig Hubley for an explicit set of rules, enforceable in any
political wiki that supports
open politics itself.
The name
open politics in force applies to Hubley's proposal only, though it is open for criticism, its
positions are quite fixed and claimed under copyright
? - noderives
? - all rights in the name are claimed as
trademark.
[+] rights
The
ruleset of
open politics in force was published at
hubley.org/openpolitics
by Craig Hubley.
Reproduced below.
[+] copyright
While that presentation was
CC-by-nc-sa by this author, the ruleset and the name are not and were never claimed to be. CC-by-noderivs
? applies, to prevent variant competing versions from propagating.
[+] trademark
Trademark in the phrase
open politics in force is claimed by this author pending its ratification by
EFficient Civics Guild. Propagating any other ruleset, even slightly modified, violates the terms of its release.
It is available on this page for review and comment. Anyone wanting an even slightly different ruleset should propose another name for another set of rules.
[+] patent
Any patent rights in the
business process implied are retained by ECG, though these should be minimal or only defensive, and be used only to prevent proprietary oppression.
[+] origins
The original was proposed to the
Green Party of Nova Scotia, some
Green Party of Canada leadership candidates, the
Green Party of Ontario, Global Greens
? and other developers as a basis for building
online polity that is fair to all participants not just those who arrive first or who have superior technical skills.
It was proposed as a basis for building
online polity that is fair to all participants not just those who arrive first or who have superior technical skills.
The original was withdrawn for rewrite and presentation in an article. A
CC-by-nc-sa version is evolving below, but
this is not the final open politics in force definition. That definition will be presented later, and it may or may not resemble rules of
openpolitics.ca itself.
Rules, Commitments and Expectations
Hubley proposed a three tier hierarchy, later simplified to two, loosely corresponding to the
terms of use,
guidelines, and community of practice
? observed in
open politics itself, most notably at dkosopedia.com,SourceWatch
? and
openpolitics.ca itself.
R = mandatory Rules
C = mutual Commitments
E = social Expectations
In more recent versions, "expectations" were replaced by less stringent "commitments" , leaving expectations as a strictly social layer up to each
faction as a community of practice
? rather than being used to define any desirable social sitation using
GEVAD.
The author has announced that it will re-emerge as a
test-first model, which is not open to negotiation but is his rigorous solution to a difficult problem set. A
reflexive process can only apply once the initial release is set, rather like a
constitution, it represents a complete theory.
In contrast to simply creating
rules from
guidelines and guidelines from
community standards, Hubley believes most such standards to be simply
stupidity, and refuses to
waste ECG master time by diluting the proposal before it is even finished.
open politics in force: the ruleset
Do not change the positions labelled R, C, E, here. Add arguments in issue/position/argument form, or editors note afterwards.
The positions report those of the author and are not amenable to direct debate by edit in this form. What follows is as exact a reproduction of the trademarked, copyrighted, original as our research allows, with annotations and criticims clearly marked. The author is encouraged to correct it from time to time.
- anonymous comment and edit allowed (R) -though comments are deprecated except for beginners
- one uniform content dispute? procedure (R)- relying primarily on debate by edit.
- argument against: in practice, dispute mechanisms, rules, and guidelines mimic common law - precedent?s are established and supported by those in authority.
- argument for: there are legal code?s that work more top-down, e.g. German law?, Napoleonic code?, etc.
- apparently-real names always validated (C)
- argument for: people debating George_R._Jones as they use their own bodily name have a right to know that Mr. Jones may simply disappear at any time, being a sock puppet of someone else.
- only "trolls and roles" use pseudonyms (C) - limiting play ethic w.r.t. identity
- argument for: anyone debating Feroshus_of_Trolls knows damn well that they are not debating a person using their real name, so there are no administrative requirements here to protect anyone from the consequences of that.
- argument against: a case can be made for designating a special status/permission set for those who have verified identities, but it is difficult to argue that creative usernames should not be allowed for those people who have verified their credentials. Some visual cue could be provided however, to indicate whether the user in question is verified real or not.
- argument for: creativity is not a universal good, for instance in accounting?.
- argument against: users in virtual environments often adopt multiple personas. Only one could be real?
- Editors note: one real name to sign things, as many troll names as you want. It's simply distracting and diluting to "sign" every correction of every spelling error.
- clear, explicit, standards of evidence (C)
- neutral precedent?s (C) - based on global best practices i.e. GFDL corpus namespace.
- factions/groups may validate group credentials (C)
- contrasting points of view protected by senior editors (R) (e.g. when in doubt they facilitate the minority viewpoint)
- diverse under-represented views solicited (R)
- rudeness discouraged but not forbidden (C)
- deletion/blocks only by fair due process (R)
- no deletions ever (R) except for strict liability?
- argument against: inadequate for spam which requires particularly draconian actions
- counter-argument: spam is a liability in every sense, to permit it actually facilitates clearly illegal activity, it's covered by 'strict'
- argument against: given rules re who can annoy appearing in law, liability is very easy to construe as meaning literally anything
- due process to officially ignore pages or remove them from view. Editors note though not from retrieval and reference, except for spam which should simply disappear.
- expertise is a function of (internal) community recognition. e.g. if the title sticks (R).
- don't confuse clarity with advocacy (C)
- don't advocate measures you don't support (initially E later changed to C)
- argument against: unenforceable, and not sure why it matters.
- counter-argument: a legitimate position should have a sincere advocate and will not be fully represented if the insincere advocates take over, no matter how "objective" they are, or how "dispassionate" they appear to be.
- maintain point of view discipline (C)
- prefer locality to ideology: ecology, neighbours (initially E later changed to C) - limits diversity with respect to living bodies in proximity.
- argument against: - unenforceable
- counter-argument: - force does not come from the centre it comes from cooperation at the edges, ideology is not a way to enforce anything it merely changes the excuses; ultimately the force must be expressed at the edge anyway and the most you can centralize is the instructional capital and the training of enforcers, which has a bad track record, e.g. School of the Americas?.
- abstain on decisions that affect you too closely (C)
- avoid making decisions that don't affect you at all (E later changed to C)
- argument against: - seems to contradict previous.
- counter-argument: - a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds, clearly a dialectic applies in which someone must be close and affeted enough to understand and act responsibly but not be so uniquely singled out that they panic or lie or protect their friends or are suspected of that
- require decentralization of decisions to those affected or in a position to do something
- clear, simple, improving process vocabulary (R) - get the words right! especially all control verbs
- assistance is available to anyone excluded (R)
- argument against: umm, and who would pay for that?
- counter-argument: limits to all kinds of administration, editorial and technical assistance are imposed by the constraints of any one project; it's no more onerous to guarantee this than it is to guarantee a web service stays up against malware?
- argument for: users can be motivated by various forms of status, titles, roles, or even revert currency, to assist other users, it isn't necessarily financial capital used up in this provision
- commands and content easily translated (C)
- argument against: umm, and who would pay for that?
- counter-argument: Irrelevant as the requirement is that it can be "easily translated" not "has entirely been translated". Satisfying this may be as simple as having ordinary users review babelfish? output to see if use of certain words is inhibiting machine translation.
- counter-argument: Even if paid interventions were required, it is fairly easy to justify these or not based on donations contingent on the support of certain groups, etc., it's among the most easily accountable of the requirements.
- degrees of consensus explicitly defined (R) - consensus decision making
- political virtues taught and encouraged (R)
- argument against: hard to make a rule
- counter-argument: other users who aren't involved can usually tell when there is a particular lack of a particular virtue in some dialogue, and could use dialogue mapping? or something to make this more objective.
- clear process to "take over" the service (R)
- clear process to franchise or fork the service (R)
- argument for: critics should feel free to start their own service.
- clear process to remove particular persons from posts, e.g. fire Michael Pilling? or fire the spin doctor when they are not doing their defined jobs.
- clear process to remove Open Politics Foundation as prime arbiter of the content or source of key pages if it fails to respect the rules of open politics in force or fire those who resist or attempt to censor or 'spin' these.
- open politics in force is a proposal. Lets not get ahead of ourselves. - User:Michael_Pilling.
- counter-argument: participation isn't increasing, nor are all issues getting reliably documented, so it's time to consider new organizing options.
- legal terms used only in their legal sense (C)
- criminal accusations made formally?, or not at all (R)
- privacy protected well beyond legal requirements (C)
- share-alike content at least to nonprofits (R)
- transparent and responsive governance (C)
- unlikely without the provisions to "take over"
- evidence: Michael_Pilling?'s arrogance as openly stated in the above.
liquidity
Another broad set of concerns could be called vaguely "liquidity
?" in the sense of
economics, meaning that an asset built up for one use can be readily and easily redeployed for other purposes not originally forseen. For instance, a major barrier to liquidity is a
tyranny of small differences applying to license
?s and a lack of predictable ways to syndicate
?. Addressing liquidity concerns should eventually make a service self-funding
? as those who rely on it become motivated to keep it going.
Note that this necessarily implies some guarantees that it will keep running even if current management abandons it, thus the democracy concerns above - possibly only a democratic domain can be wholly and reliably self-funding. This could become a sixth scale as above. For now Living Ontology Web explores merits of this idea and proposes a prototype to prove it.
addresses barriers to entry, costs
Some barrier to entry
? concerns regarding the cost of OPIF provisions can likewise be addressed by liquidity, as pooled
? volunteer centres and pooled donor list
?s are exploited, especially by the most central or critical
web service involved in a
sociosemantic web. Perhaps more importantly, common conventions adopted to ensure liquidity make training easier and translation more justifiable.
configuration and context in which expectations are formed
this section is also under CC-by-nc-sa
Legal
terms of use agreements and content sharing arrangements remove the power to put arbitrary conditions (but not all conditions) on re-use of material by political opponents. As a minimum the
CC-by-nc-sa license must be used, to allow all nonprofit
? use.
- argument against: this seems unenforceable. public policy proposals are if anything, public domain.
- counter-argument: the proposals aren't the aspect that affect liquidity, the standards and audits and methods are. If the ISO and ITU? can charge for this, so could another regulator.
More restrictive (but still
share-alike) license terms that might forbid military
? or police
? or
extinction use are reasonable for technical
? but not
political positions.
Still more restrictive terms that use trademark laws might also exist to ensure that rulesets do not bifurcate too easily.
Hardware, network, backup and other operations standards are also recommended to ensure privacy and reliable service
?, e.g.
web service, and leave few (or ideally no) technical excuses for sudden losses of service at sensitive times, e.g. during an
election when a
political party relying on the
open politics web might become disabled.
Performance audits establish the above formal criteria and validate the right to participate in a web ring
? / search engine
? of "open politics", e.g. the
open politics web.
- argument for: comparing with other services and jurisdictions is a good thing.
editorial and technical standards implied
Within which, editorial
? "
tag" and some other more technical
? standards apply:
These make it easy to find debates that stand between specific people, issues that are relevant to particular places or decisions to be made by a deadline. These standards integrate "attention.xml
?",
RSS feeds and major mediawiki watchlist
?s.
Note watchlists are now directly supported by mediawiki as RSS feeds. (a
test suite for this complements audits).
Framing,
rhetoric and
metaphors all matter; Consider avoiding terms that imply or invite:
All of these tend to selectively empower certain metaphors, confuse debate, enable cliques & make translation difficult. (some service providers can help the
open party address these problems thoroughly)
room for improvement
- Essentially, these are managerial?, operational? and technical guarantees that administrators adhere to to ensure equal-power relationship?s exist in policy debate forum?s; they don't deal with hardware or net access or training, but, they should - that's an area that needs some investigation. Also the relationship between Expectations, Ethics, and what is effective (from a factional or partisan viewpoint) or efficient (from a more neutral bureaucratic or operational perspective) needs exploration. 'See being/doing/going.''